by Daphna Whitmore
One of the aims of Redline is to discuss, research and understand contemporary New Zealand society. Many of the Redline writers were previously members of the Workers Party where we took the position that the Treaty of Waitangi was a document forced on Maori in the interests of expansion of the British empire. Since we left the Workers Party the view of the treaty is undergoing change as is outlined by an article by Mike Kay.
When time permits I think it would be good for Redline writers to reprint some of our earlier articles and to write more on the present situation. In the meantime there are some interesting comments by James Heartfield in response to the revised WP position.
He writes: “I think the original Workers’ Party position had some merit, and it helped me writing my book on the Aborigines’ Protection Society (Hurst/Columbia University Press, 2011; see here). There I look at the Treaty more as it pertained to the attempted reform of the British Empire coming out of the Select Committee on Aboriginal Peoples of 1837. The ‘humanitarian’ goal of ‘protecting’ Maoris was not as atypical as it at first appears. Similar edicts were introduced into instructions to the governors of the Australian colonies where there was no treaty signed. New Zealand governors (Grey in particular) could draw on their assigned role as protector of Maori interests to rise in a Bonapartist way above the sectional interests of different groups of settlers. This was as much to do with controlling settlers as it was to do with controlling natives. Politically, I am skeptical about the possibility of deriving a radical impulse from 1840.”
Scott (a visitor to the WP site) in the discussion thread argues, “The Treaty essentially enshrines the rights of the Crown over the Colony, in the name of the Maori. The Maori who signed the Treaty were not looking far into the future and making constitutional arrangements – they were pursuing short-term political and economic ends”.
Heartfield responds: “I agree. But I would like to redirect your interest to the other question, why did the Crown seek a treaty? As well as looking at the motives on the Maori side, we ought to understand the motives on the British side. After all, the treaty, ultimately, is an instrument of British rule. And while you are right to say that there was no British sovereignty in the 1840s – there was by the 1870s, and its initial basis (later dismissed as a ‘nullity’) was the Treaty. That’s what the Treaty is. It is the founding document of British rule, and the Maori agreement is essentially a fiction of the Treaty. That Maori subsequently organised around its claims is another matter.”
I think understanding the motives on the British side are essential to understanding where we are with the treaty today. Adherence to the treaty, for one, thing leaves us with the problem of the British monarch being the head of state. There is nothing liberating or progressive in this. Furthermore, equality and redress of past wrongs can and should be fought for without reference to a treaty of this sort.
In a slightly related thread, a discussion around Maori prehistory has been going on over on the Workers Party website, where Scott argues that there is massive evidence for slavery as an institutionalised part of Maori life. He claims that pre-European contact Maori society had large-scale agriculture and a surplus.
Quite what Scott thinks constitutes “large-scale” Maori agriculture he doesn’t spell out, but in my view the archeological evidence shows that rather than large-scale agriculture there was gardening/horticulture, most importantly the kumara (not the variety we have now) and to a much lesser extent some taro, yam and a gourd, plus a few other species of cabbage tree. Growing kumara was not easy in the New Zealand climate which went through some pretty cold periods. Further, it’s an annual crop which doesn’t tolerate getting wet.
The early Polynesian arrivals of course had loads of tasty protein in the form of seals, Moa, and other large birds to eat and it wasn’t until these sources ran out or ran low that things got a lot tougher.
Gardening in some northern parts of the country at some times in prehistory contributed up to 50 percent of the diet, but gathering fish and shellfish and hunting still remained vital. Stone tools and wooden sticks for gardening make widespread, large-scale agriculture in any meaningful sense impossible.
In New Zealand it wasn’t until the arrival of the potato (and metal tools) that genuinely large-scale crop production was possible.
The first European visitors of course saw things through the distorted prism of their own society and looked for evidence of classes in Maori prehistory, and duly constructed classes in their anthropological accounts. More on this another time.
The origin of humans and human society is fascinating. How we arose and spread across the world, finally arriving on land masses such as New Zealand continues to be thoroughly intriguing. That humans lived for most part of prehistory as hunter gatherers, with cooperative, mostly egalitarian social systems was a matter of necessity as a reliable, constant surplus product doesn’t become possible until more settled, agricultural societies developed (and even then people didn’t readily give up reliance on hunting and gathering because in many ways it was a more leisured way of life than farming).
Agricultural-based societies first emerged roughly 10,000 years ago, showing that for over 100,000 years humans were not divided by property and class. I think this offers some hope for the future of humanity, but by no means determines anything. Nor does it negate the fact that life was in many ways brutally tough or that war and bloodshed were a part of human society.

It seems a bit odd that Scott is so anti-Engels and yet impressed by people who thought that Maori and Tongan society were some kind of class society.
One of the things the colonial mind did when it saw Polynesian and African civilisations was not to investigate them on the basis of what actually existed but tried to see in them the same sort of property and class hierarchies that existed in western Europe. Scott, in his dash to throw out Engels, has failed to grasp how much the view of Polynesian (and other) societies on the part of a host of Europeans was actually conditioned by capitalist ideology.
It seems quite perverse to me to argue that Maori society was a class society and that there’s something politically backward to not see it in those terms. For one thing, how would you have a class society without a permanent (and reasonably substantial) social surplus product?
Secondly, the idea that Maori society was a class society is an invention that can easily be used to undermine the case for Maori liberation. After all, if Maori society was already a hierarchical, class society, then the British conquest would just be one class society replacing another and a less big deal than the conquest and destruction of a non-class society. And, of course, there’s a set of racists who argue just that.
There’s simply no need for progressives to pretend that Maori society was a form of class society and doing so has very negative consequences.
Phil
Daphna, I would tend to agree with your position more than Scott’s. I think Engels is correct when he approvingly quotes Morgan at the end of Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State: “the next higher plane of society… will be a revival, in a higher form, of the liberty, equality and fraternity of the ancient gentes.” That said, I haven’t done an in depth study of the empirical evidence, so there’s a chance Scott is right to characterise the position as basically noble savage romanticism.
On the wider questions raised by my article, I think it would be useful if Redline reprinted some of the old material related to this, since nothing pre Feb 08 is on line.
An important point needs to be made about the Revo/WP/ACA-WP position. Although some folk appear not to have bothered to familiarise themselves with how these positions developed, the positions in relation to tino rangatiratanga, or self-determination as it used to be called in the 1970s, were hard-won theoretical-political gains. A core of us had a long involvement/engagement in struggles around Maori rights. People like myself and Ray Nunes, although coming from very different backgrounds – mine in Trotskyism and his in the CPNZ – were part of organisations heavily involved in Takaparawha/Bastion Point and Raglan, for instance.
The Trot group I belonged to and the Maoist group Ray was a central leader of were the two key left currents involved in these struggles. The Trot paper, ‘Socialist Action’, which I worked on full-time, was the main publication getting out the day-to-day story of the struggle, something I must get round to writing about. It would impossible, for instance, to write the history of the occupation without reading the 17 months of copies of SA covering the period.
The SAL position was to call for self-determination and that was the position my entire early political education consisted of. Although I agreed with the position, the practical side of my thinking could never really figure out how self-determination could be exercised in a country in which pakeha and Maori were so intermixed. Since self-determination meant a separate Maori state and there was nowhere in Aotearoa this was a starter, there was always a niggle at the back of my mind about the validity of the position. Of course, the reason the SAL had that position was not really because of a materialist analysis of the evolution of social reality here; like every other SAL position, it was simply taking the US SWP position – in this case the US mother ship’s position on the Black question – and plonking it down on this country, like a template.
It was only through my experience of an actual national liberation struggle, namely in Ireland, combined with the evolution of Maori nationalism towards a cultural turn and the Treaty industry – the fact that the SAL position was proven wrong in practice, although they blindly continued to adhere to it – that my view changed. Coming into contact with the ideas of Richard Fraser, thanks to an old working class militant in San Francisco who had all Fraser’s work on Black oppression and the development of the ‘revolutionary integration’ position – helped a lot too. Probably the person most expert on that position is an ex-Panther with whom I had a little bit of contact in the mid/late 1990s.
It’s rather bizarre to see that whatever remains of WP is heading off backwards, into the swamp left position on Maori oppression and liberation. It’s like the first time round those politics were a tragedy – their main achievement was to ensure that hardly any Maori joined the left groups – second time round, they’re farce. Maybe that’s just what happens with cultural revolutions which adopt a Year Zero type approach, especially when none of the people involved have had anywhere near the amount of engagement/experience with Maori struggles as those whose critical reflections shifted away from believing that self-determination fitted the reality of the forms of Maori oppression and struggles against it that have developed historically in this country – as opposed to the situation, for instance, of oppressed nationalities in the Russian Empire a century ago .
We’ll be getting up chunks of the work a number of us did on these issues in various past political formations.
Phil
http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com
Phil, I’ll take your word for it on the SAL’s approach to self-determination, but the Workers Party’s current course is in no way comparable to imposing a template. Rather, it is recognising a reality, namely that the vanguard of the indigenous oppressed people of Aotearoa demand tino rangatiritanga, and that Marxists ought to critically support its progressive and radical tendencies. Furthermore, we are responding to developments in the political landscape – the existence of Mana creates new potentials and facts on the ground.
Naturally, you are entitled to your opinion that the WP is taking a mistaken course, but your comments about “Year Zero” are just silly. What we are attempting to do with the current debate within (and beyond) the WP, is critically come to terms with our past position on Maori liberation.
You also exclusively equate TR with self government, but many TR activists conceptualise self-determination in other spheres of life. Arguably the only region where self-government is practical or desirable is Te Urewera, a position I tentatively advanced in my review of Judith Binney’s book in 2010, with no dissent from other WP members at the time as I recall.
P.S. I think your idea of writing something about Socialist Action’s coverage of the land occupations is a good one.
My comments about ‘Year Zero’ reflect the fact that there is no recognition of where those hard-won positions came from. You can’t ‘come to terms’ with old positions if you don’t really understand where they came from.
I think elements of your post here, moreover, indicate a Year Zero approach. For instance, saying that you are “responding to developments in the political landscape”, such as the formation of Mana. This is nothing new. Thirty years ago there was Mana Motuhake, a left and mainly Maori split from the Labour Party. And the first Maori party which was left-wing and fairly working class. (As with Mana, pakeha could join Mana Motuhake – a reflection in both cases of how totally intertwined Maori and pakeha are in this country and how little sense forms of separatism make here.)
If you want to keep on as if any of this is completely new, you are going to very much look like you have a Year Zero approach. No point shooting the messenger!
Phil
Phil, you claim that we are summarily junking the Workers Party tradition, whereas in fact there are more than one “traditions”. The Ray Nunes-eara WP called for: “a high degree of autonomy for the Maori people up to and including the creation of Maori Autonomous Regions with special state financial assistance aimed at redressing past injustices.”
The WP then thought that if there was a desire among Maori for autonomy we should support it, including autonomous regions. But that was *if* there was a call for it. Also, we assumed that if autonomous regions would be called for it would be in areas where Maori are a large majority. Today there is nowhere that has a Maori majority, let alone a big majority. The East Coast comes closest with 47% Maori, and Northland a distant second with 37%.
The main reason for slightly changing the formulation to no longer putting forward autonomous regions was that there was no movement among Maori agitating for that; that it was not very practical was a secondary factor.
Mike, I’m actually not a huge fan of ‘traditions’. I don’t think I’ve ever said the WP ‘tradition’ or ‘traditions’ have been or are being junked. The main thing that is being junked is the Marxist methodology used by WP in the past. It’s being junked in favour of what is essentially impressionism. But all the best to you all with the new course; I wouldn’t dream of trying to discourage you from proceeding with it.
Phil